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Location: Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada

Friday, July 29, 2005

combining les beaux arts, the fourth estate, and the ivory tower

i just spent my lunch break looking at this canadian photographer's photos. amazing, especially the portraits. i feel like i've been traveling!

time to come back home and get to work...

Thursday, July 28, 2005

piffy? ... anybody?

IMG_1189
man, i know that life is crazy right now and i should be paying attention, but do i really need to see all those major arcana? it freaks me out. and what's with all those wands?

happy birthday to you

IMG_0439
and i'll see you tomorrow, birthday boy!

whether you're masters of war or masters of struggle, you still ain't worth the blood that runs in your veins.

Say G-WOT?
Terror attacks, Taliban resurgence, suicide bombs—obviously, it's time to change the slogan.
By Fred Kaplan
Posted Tuesday, July 26, 2005, at 12:32 PM PT

One question comes to mind while reading the New York Times' report today that the Bush administration has decided to change the name of its counterterrorist campaign from "the global war on terrorism" to "the global struggle against violent extremism": Are these guys really this clueless?

What else to make of the story's opening sentence:

"The Bush administration is retooling its slogan for the fight against Al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, pushing the idea that the long-term struggle is as much an ideological battle as a military mission, senior administration and military officials said Monday."

Three subquestions arise just from the lead. First, this is the administration's solution to the spike in terrorist incidents, the Taliban's resurgence in Afghanistan, and the politico-military deterioration in Iraq—to retool the slogan?

Second, the White House and the Pentagon are just now coming around to the idea that the struggle is as much ideological as military? This wasn't obvious, say, three or four years ago?

Apparently not. Eric Schmitt and Thom Shanker, the Times reporters who co-authored the article, note:

"Administration and Pentagon officials say the revamped campaign has grown out of meetings of President Bush's senior national security advisers that began in January, and it reflects the evolution in Mr. Bush's own thinking nearly four years after the Sept. 11 attacks."

It took four years for the president of the United States to realize that fighting terrorism has a political component? It took six months for his senior advisers to retool a slogan? We are witnessing that rare occasion when the phrase "I don't know whether to laugh or cry" can be uttered without lapsing into cliché.

But the shallowness gets deeper still. The Times story doesn't notice what appears to be the driving force behind the new slogan—a desire for a happier acronym.

Look at the first letters of Global War on Terrorism. GWOT. What does that mean; how is it pronounced? Gwot? Too frivolously rowdy, like a fight scene in a Marvel comic book (Bam! Pfooff! Gwot!). Gee-wot? Sounds like a garbled question (Gee what?).

Then look at Global Struggle Against Violent Extremism. Its acronym is GSAVE—i.e., gee-save. We're out to save the world, see, not wage war on it. Or, as national security adviser Stephen Hadley puts it in the Times piece, "We need to dispute both the gloomy vision and offer a positive alternative."

Does Hadley, and do all our other top officials, really believe this nonsense? Are they so enraptured with PR that they think a slogan and a strategy are the same thing and that retooling the one will transform the other? Have we lapsed into the banality of the mid-'70s, when President Gerald Ford tried to beat back 20-percent price hikes by urging Americans to wear gigantic lapel pins that read "WIN"—for Whip Inflation Now?

The Times notes, midway into the story, that the "language shifts" come at a time when Karen Hughes, one of President Bush's most trusted advisers, is about to take over the State Department's office of "public diplomacy." If changing GWOT to GSAVE is a sign of campaigns to come, we are in sorrier shape than anyone might previously have imagined.

Fred Kaplan writes the "War Stories" column for Slate. He can be reached at war_stories@hotmail.com.

Wednesday, July 27, 2005

Some Papers Pull, Edit 'Doonesbury' Strip

3.072605-R

people are offended by 'turd'? really? well, apparently dubya really does call rove turd blossom (if you can believe what you read on the internet). whatever. it's not even that funny. sorry gary, but doonesbury is hit and miss at best, boring at worst.

Thursday, July 21, 2005

"It is less expensive to have women's police stations than to set up shelters."

this seems like a pretty good idea to me. why don't we have this system? separate police stations for women, for black people, for the elderly. is it segregation or is it a leveller?

here're some random quotes from the article:

"The idea of creating a separate sector for gender-related crimes arose in Brazil at the start of the 1980s. With the United Nations Decade for Women (1976-85) coming to a close and the country's dictatorship loosening its grip on power, female activists were pushing for more recognition from authorities. Special police stations had been set up for Afro-Brazilians and the elderly, and women wanted similar treatment."

"In the first year of operations, the number of charges filed by officers in women's stations was more than double the number of charges for similar crimes against women filed by the predominantly male officers in regular precincts."

"The women who report their abusers do so primarily because they want to show they are not powerless, Salgado says. "What they are looking for is not to criminalize the behavior of the abuser. They go to stop the violence.... It's a way of renegotiating the relationship, a means of mediation.""

""Convincing men that violence against women is unacceptable is one of the main obstacles facing female officers. The number of accusations heard at women's police stations grows every year, Salgado says, and she expects it will continue to rise as long as men believe violence against women is a viable option.
In an attempt to change that belief, officials offer accused men the option of counseling. After hearing his side of the story, the delegada usually asks him to take part in group therapy sessions. However, unless a judge includes therapy as part of a sentence, officers cannot force it, and only 20 percent to 30 percent of men actually take up the offer, says Joceleide de Souza, the delegada at the 8th Women's Police Station.""

"Nevertheless, all those involved say that while the problem of violence against women still persists, the creation of the women's stations has made men more accountable.
"The impact has been really impressive," Santos says. "What women's police stations are doing is making violence more visible in society. They are creating a crime where one never existed before.""

Wednesday, July 20, 2005

today in tarot land...

tarot

i guess things might not work out quite as well as i had hoped they would. hang on, we're in for a bumpy ride...

Tuesday, July 19, 2005

I <3 eggheads.

i just read this article from the nytimes magazine about the use of framing in politics as outlined by linguist george lakoff. parts of it blew my fragile little mind. language, metaphor, narrative... poetry and politics.

i am a little bit in love. maybe it's the groupie in me.

"In a seminal 1996 book, ''Moral Politics,'' he asserted that people relate to political ideologies, on an unconscious level, through the metaphorical frame of a family. Conservative politicians, Lakoff suggests, operate under the frame of a strict father, who lays down inflexible rules and imbues his family with a strong moral order. Liberals, on the other hand, are best understood through a frame of the nurturant parent, who teaches his child to pursue personal happiness and care for those around him. (The two models, Lakoff has said, are personified by Arnold Schwarzenegger on one side and Oprah Winfrey on the other.) Most voters, Lakoff suggests, carry some part of both parental frames in the synapses of their brains; which model is ''activated'' -- that is, which they can better relate to -- depends on the language that politicians use and the story that they tell."

there were some gross parts in the article too, esp. where it described the focus groups and polling and shit. this stuff makes me crazy. if everyone just said what they thought instead of what we want to hear, we'd have a better basis for voting, right? poor naive me. in the immortal words of the elegant poet and gentleman dr. bruce cockburn, "And they call it democracy."

Friday, July 15, 2005

first thoughts of a first class dick

hume

i bought a shirt. i have worn it three days this week. i like it a lot.

it does not look much like this.

shalom_shirt

it does have this on it.

shalom_shirt

i bought it here.

i really really like david rees. a lot.

Thursday, July 07, 2005

people magazine? naomi wolf? both?

Housewife Wars
By Catherine Orenstein
Ms. Magazine
Spring 2005 Issue

A few years back, Cosmopolitan ran an article titled "Meet the New Housewife Wanna-Bes," in which young professional women described their desire to marry, quit their jobs and pursue "the new domestic dream."

Erica, a 23-year-old investment banker, wanted nothing more than to "marry that cute associate two cubicles down and embark on a full-time stint as his housefrau." This was back in the days of Sex and the City, when marriage was still a lovely fallback fantasy on television.

If only Erica had known.

Right now we're inundated with dramas about the married woman, and "domestic dream" is hardly the vibe.

If yesterday's hit show Sex and the City was about single women who seemed to want desperately to be married, ABC's current Sunday-night smash Desperate Housewives is about married women who would, by all appearances, be better off single.

Trapped behind the hedges of affluent suburban Wisteria Lane, the five female leads experience life and marriage through a haze of infidelity, loneliness, thwarted ambition, sexual dysfunction and drug addiction. Gabrielle cheats on her husband with the teenage gardener. Bree terrorizes her family with her perfectionism. Susan sets slutty Edie's house on fire in the course of their competition over a man, and Lynette, who opted out of her high-powered career but cannot seem to keep up the pace as a housewife, steals her children's ADD pills.

The show is posthumously narrated by a sixth neighbor, Mary Alice, who shot herself in the pilot episode, leaving behind a secret buried beneath her swimming pool and a stubborn bloodstain on her nicely lacquered floors.

"I performed my chores. I completed my projects. I ran my errands," Mary Alice says by way of explanation, in a voice-over that perfectly captures the show's cheery, neo-Stepfordian fatalism. "In truth, I spent the day as I spent every other day, quietly polishing my life until it gleamed with perfection."

The plotlines of Desperate Housewives unfold with such camp, glamour and gleeful bad taste (a nosy neighbor discovers Mary Alice's body, then rushes home to peel her name off of a borrowed blender; let no one say there's not a bright side to suicide!) that one might be inclined to dismiss the show's portrait of domestic dystopia - if not for the fact that it is echoed by the current crop of "reality" TV shows that also explore the plight of the housewife.

Take ABC's Wife Swap and FOX's Trading Spouses, in which two wives from different backgrounds swap places and problems (the shows are so alike that ABC has sued FOX for copyright infringement). The camera follows each woman as she performs her counterpart's routine, exposing the dirty laundry (literally) and zooming in on quirky behavior, small cruelties and moments of quiet despair.

Because the entertainment hinges on conflicts that emerge from pairing and swapping contradictory characters, both shows tend to reduce the women and their families to types, pitting slobs against control freaks, spendthrifts against killjoys, and hardworking Cinderellas against spoiled heiresses.

Although the "characters" follow carefully edited narrative arcs in which they supposedly come to better understand themselves and appreciate their spouses, both shows' allure - like that of the sudsy Housewives - lies in showing us the hysteria behind the hedges. As on Desperate Housewives, the "new" wives take us inside private spaces, inevitably turning households upside down in revealing and sometimes dismaying ways.

In one episode of Wife Swap, Wife No. 2 forced her counterpart's "house husband" to burn his would-be actor résumé and seek work as a janitor. In another episode, a stay-at-home wife who took the place of a spoiled heiress dismissed the household's multiple nannies. Husband No. 1 inquired - seemingly in earnest - whether they would be taking the children with them.

Meanwhile, two new reality shows, ABC's Supernanny and FOX's Nanny 911, bring in British child-care "experts" to instruct the poor American housewife in parenting. Supernanny's website sums up the zeitgeist: "Are your kids driving you nuts? Is your house a zoo?"

"These days, with the political emphasis on family values and the so-called opt-out revolution making headlines, there's a 'send women back to the home' vibe," says Deborah Siegel, director of special projects at The National Council for Research on Women, a coalition of women's research and policy groups. "Only, as the TV shows seem to be telling us, once you open up the doors and take a closer look, life inside that house is not always so great."

With such matrimonial exposés dominating the airwaves, only one mystery remains: Why would anyone want to buy into this mess in the first place? In fact, the one group that does want to buy in - gays and lesbians, whose right to marry was recently denied by voters in 11 states - spotlights a reason for our current fascination with marriage: The American family is changing, dramatically, right beneath our noses.

In recent decades, we've redefined family in enormous ways. The so-called traditional family - married heterosexual parents with children, which policy-makers have long held up as the ideal - is quickly becoming a relic of the past.

According to the most recent U.S. census, just over half of American households consist of married couples, and less than a fourth of American households are made up of nuclear families (down from 39 percent in 1990). More than half of American marriages will end in divorce (52 percent), the number of single mothers has shot up, and the number of children born out of wedlock has reached 33 percent - up from just 4 percent in 1950.

Women now marry on average five years later than they did in the mid-20th century (now it's at age 25) and, in part because of delayed marriage, over a quarter of households now consist of singles living alone. Finally, between 1990 and 2000, the number of unmarried couples - straight and same-sex - living together out of wedlock rose by 72 percent.

Conservatives have framed these statistics as a crisis of moral values, with modern beliefs clashing against and threatening to destroy the traditional American family. In essence, this is what Desperate Housewives captures so well: The drama takes place not so much between the five women as between time periods and conflicting generational ideas of marriage.

The main characters are 21st-century women, with 21st-century wardrobes and attitudes, but they're dropped into 1950s suburbia, or at least into the Hollywood sets of 1950s TV shows about suburbia (the dozen or so houses on Wisteria Lane are repurposed facades; Beaver Cleaver's actual TV house now belongs to Mary Alice's family).

Even as they languish in their retrograde cul-de-sac, the women of Wisteria Lane resonate with the history of the last 50 years - feminism, the sexual revolution, the struggle to balance family and career, even the impact of Martha Stewart.

Sly juxtapositions, along with the show's many product placements, remind us of the telescoped time frame: Bree seduces her husband wearing nothing but a bra and panties under a fur coat, recalling Liz Taylor's get-up in Butterfield 8, circa 1960, only now the underwear is La Perla. Even the show's title, Desperate Housewives, recalls the subjects of Betty Friedan, while at the same time sounding a campy, erotic tone.

It's as if we're watching a hypothetical experiment: How would June and Ward and Ozzie and Harriet have fared under today's terms of matrimony? Or, more generally (and conservatively) stated: Are modern values destroying the traditional American marriage?

It's been reported, in tones of mystification, that Desperate Housewives is rated first and fourth, respectively, in red-state Bush bastions Atlanta and Salt Lake City, where "moral values" are supposedly of greater concern - but should this be surprising? Shouldn't red-state viewers be all the more inclined to watch a show that dramatizes a conservative argument?

Of course, the drama playing out on our television screens, like the greater ongoing national debate on marriage, is more of a clash of mythologies than of historical truths. As Stephanie Coontz, author of The Way We Never Were: American Families and the Nostalgia Trap (Basic Books, 1992), points out, the happy 1950s household represented by Ozzie and Harriet or the Cleavers - male breadwinner, stay-at-home mom - was neither traditional nor accurate. It was a relatively new domestic arrangement, and the Father Knows Best facade was just that: a cover-up for a quite different reality.

In fact, 50s families often had two standards of living - one for male household heads and another for wives and children. Wife-beating was tolerated by authorities and spousal rape was legal through the 1970s. Drug use was widespread, as was prostitution, and the virtuous chastity of the times is widely misunderstood: Terms like "going steady" and "petting" described not innocence but sexual exploration by teens.

Plenty of unmarried girls became pregnant, but they were sent away and came back "rehabilitated" virgins, or felt compelled to marry (the number of pregnant brides skyrocketed mid-20th century). Above all, marriage in this era was hardly ideal for women because they were economically and reproductively dependent upon men.

"It's these women," says Coontz, "who were the truly desperate housewives."

If we've mythologized the past, we're equally apt to misinterpret the present. Our high divorce rate, for example, may indicate that indeed marriage is failing more people. Or, as Nancy Cott, author of Public Vows: A History of Marriage and the Nation (Harvard University Press, 2000), points out, it may simply reflect the fact that people live longer now than in previous centuries. A few hundred years ago, when people died (or were widowed) in their 40s, divorce was less of an issue. And those spouses who did part ways were less likely to bother with divorce.

If conservatives see American families as being in a state of crisis, it's equally possible to see the changing marriage statistics as signs of opportunity - the result of economic and cultural shifts that have made marriage less mandatory, less desirable even.

Feminism, the sexual revolution and the Pill - along with new ideas about family in general - have given us additional ways to organize our lives and families. My grandmother, who graduated Phi Beta Kappa, often spoke of getting her "Mrs." degree; today she might have chosen to go to graduate school as well. Gays and lesbians who might once have spent a lifetime in the closet now have the possibility - in Massachusetts , Vermont and Canada , at least - of official recognition, and the myriad rights and responsibilities that come with it.

"Marriage has changed more in the last 30 years than in the last 3,000," says Coontz, whose forthcoming book explores the institution's changes (Marriage, a History: From Obedience to Intimacy or How Love Conquered Marriage, Viking Adult, 2005).

The biggest change is that we now have much higher expectations. Only in the last century have we come to expect emotional and sexual fulfillment from marriage (love used to be viewed as a potential impediment), and only in the last 30 years have women enjoyed a degree of independence from their husbands.

"Marriage is harder today," Coontz adds, "because it's more optional. There are more choices. The very things that make it better also make it more difficult, and vice versa. It's precisely because marriage can be more fulfilling today that it's more of a struggle."

So Housewife Wanna-Bes be warned: Wisteria Lane may be just the tip of the iceberg.

Wednesday, July 06, 2005

birthday (game)boy

today jake is 11 years old. it's been 11 years since he was born. this time seems impossibly long and impossibly short. i am so proud of him. he is the best thing i'll ever do. it makes me feel happy just to see him, to hear him talk, to hear him sing, to watch him move. i feel so... lucky. lucky to have him in my life. to be able to touch him. to have his love. to be his mum.

i don't know where i would have gone or what i would have done if things had happened differently 11 years ago. i know that i had plans that i didn't follow. i had theories. i had a self-image that was shallow and unformed. i wish that i could do some things over again; i wish that i could help then-me. i feel sad when i remember me 11 years ago, holding my baby.

you know what, though? i don't care about it anymore. today is a good day. tomorrow will probably be pretty great too. i feel happy today, holding jake. and i am really just plain happy.

i owe my happiness to some pretty amazing people; god knows we couldn't have made it without help. i hope that you know who you are, and i hope that you think that you are as amazing as i think you are. thank you. you have made today possible. the people who have cooked meals, played with us, loaned us money, babysat, received late-night panicky calls, brought us childhood necessities like clothes + toys + candy, made us laugh, drove us around, gave advice +hugs + pinatas: we love you. i love you. you are gold.

we bought him a game boy. it looks like this:

gameboy

he is incredibly pleased. wanting something, waiting for something, getting what you wanted and waited for... what a wonderful thing to be able to give him a gift that he truly appreciates and treasures!

Sunday, July 03, 2005

noble women

Recognizing the Female Peacemakers: The Nobel Cause
By Kate Finnigan
The Independent UK

Thursday 30 June 2005

It has been around since 1901, but only 12 women have won the Nobel Peace Prize. Now a campaign aims to award it to 1,000 of them. Kate Finnigan reports.

Bono, John Paul II, Colin Powell. These are some of the individuals named as nominees for this year's Nobel Peace Prize. But yesterday, a bid for a nomination of a much less macho and individual nature was announced.

A Thousand Women for the Nobel Peace Prize is the brainchild of Gaby Vermot-Mangold, the anthropologist and member of the Swiss parliament, who says she was inspired to launch the campaign while working with refugees at camps in Africa.

"I have nothing against handshakes and road-maps and meetings at Camp David," she says on the phone from Switzerland. "But the problem is that the peacemaking possibilities that come from such things are centred in politics. What we are campaigning for with this nomination is a recognition of peacemaking outside politics."

Since the Nobel Peace Prize (pictured) was established in 1901, only 12 women have won it. Two of them, Shirin Ebadi and Wangari Maathai, have won it in the past two years, compared with 80 men and 20 organisations.

Joan Ruddock, the former women's minister, believes this campaign should begin to set the balance. "In most of the great prizes of the world women are nominated or take part in much smaller numbers," she says. "Men are better at networking and women are much more sensitive to being in the limelight and putting themselves forward. It's important and typical that this is a collective nomination."

Because a thousand names cannot officially be nominated, the campaign, which has the patronage of Unesco, has put forward the names of three people whose identities will not be announced unless one of the three wins. "The understanding is that these individuals did not apply as individuals but as representatives of the 1,000 we have nominated," says Ms Vermot-Mangold. "If one of these women wins, they all win." Of the 10 British nominees, the women range from Helen John, 67, the vice-president of CND, to Jo Wilding, 31, who last year took a circus to Iraq.

"This nomination is weird," says Jo Wilding while laughing. Shehas visited Iraq three times, bringing medical aid, equipment and, more recently, the Boomchucka Circus, which toured Baghdad and northern Iraq for three months in 2003. She found herself driving ambulances during the siege in Fallujah last April.

"I've seen so many other women who've worked longer and harder than me. But then it's symbolic, isn't it? It's not about individuals. It's about the unrecognised people out there who are working continually without resources or grey suits or aeroplanes," she says.

Patricia Gaffney, one of the nominees and the chair of the British arm of Pax Christi, a Christian peace and justice organisation, agrees. "This nomination contrasts with so many current political models that focus on the individual. Like G8, for example. The fact that this isn't top-down but coming from grassroots affirms the very nature of the work. There's a tendency to want heroes of peace like there are heroes of war," says Cynthia Cockburn, speaking for the peace organisation Women in Black, which is also on the British shortlist. "But the committee must see what it stands for.

"Yes, it's difficult and messy having a collective of 1,000 women but it's not just an inconvenience. It is saying something very valuable. If Nobel says no now, at a time when women are very visibly working hard for peace, I don't think they'll ever say yes."

But it is perhaps Kate Galloway - a 52-year-old nominee and leader of the Iona Community, an ecumenical Christian group which has been working, and praying, for peace since 1938 - who most succinctly sums up just why women have so often been overlooked.

"The two women who've won the Nobel in recent years have been operating in situations of considerable challenge," she says.

"I think there's a growing recognition that women work in a different way to men. People like Bono and the Pope have worldwide audiences. We're mostly shouting at 100 people in a hall. But it's still important." With this campaign, it is hoped that the numbers in the hall might just get a little bigger.

Wangari Maathai, Winner 2004
Maathai, 65, was the first African woman to win the honour - for promoting ecologically viable social, economic and cultural development in Kenya and in Africa. She also stood up against the former oppressive regime in Kenya. She ran for the presidency in 1997 and in 2002 was elected to parliament with 98 per cent of her constituency vote.

Shirin Ebadi, 2003
Her campaigns for democracy and greater rights for women and children have brought Ebadi into conflict with conservative clerics. Ebadi, 58, married with two daughters, is credited with being a driving force behind the reform of family law in Iran by seeking changes in divorce and inheritance. She was the country's first female judge.

Jody Williams, 1997
Williams has coordinated the International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL) since 1991. A week before she and the ICBL jointly received the prize, 122 countries signed the Ottawa Treaty outlawing their production. The treaty was made international law on 1 March 1999, though her own country, the US, has not signed up.

Rigoberta Menchú Tum, 1992
The Guatemalan Indian-rights activist, 46, is a Mayan Indian of the Quiché group. Her father, a leader of a peasant group opposed to the military government, died in a fire while protesting against abuses by the military. Her younger brother was tortured and killed and her mother was arrested shortly afterwards, tortured, raped and then killed.

Aung San Suu Kyi, 1991
Suu Kyi, 60, has become a symbol of heroic and peaceful resistance. She was two years old when her father, then the de facto prime minister of Burma, was killed. Her National League for Democracy won more than 80 per cent of the parliamentary seats that were contested in 1990, but the junta ignored the result. She has been under house arrest for much of the period from July 1989.

Alva Myrdal, 1982
The Swedish diplomat, government minister and advocate of nuclear disarmament was the co-recipient of the prize with Alfonso García Robles of Mexico. Myrdal, who died in 1986, served as a director of the UN Department of Social Welfare during 1949-50 and became director of the Unesco Department of Social Sciences in 1951.

Mother Teresa, 1979
The internationally renowned and controversial nun, who died in 1997, founded the Missionaries of Charity. When awarded the prize, Mother Teresa, who was born Agnes Gonxha Bojaxhiu in Macedonia, refused the conventional ceremonial banquet and asked for the $6,000 funds to be diverted to the poor in Calcutta.

Mairéad Corrigan and Betty Williams, 1976
Williams, 62, founded the Northern Ireland Peace Movement (later renamed Community of Peace People) with Corrigan, 61, in August 1976 after the two women witnessed a car being chased by the security forces veer off the road and kill the three young children of Corrigan's sister. Their organisation brought thousands of Catholics and Protestants out on to the streets together to demand an end to violence. In March 2003 Corrigan was arrested at a non-violent prayer protest against the war in Iraq outside the White House in Washington.

Emily Greene Balch, 1946
Balch was an American sociologist, political scientist, economist and pacifist who led the women's movement for peace during and after the First World War. She died in 1961.

Jane Addams, 1931
Addams was the first American woman to receive the prize. She is remembered primarily as a founder of the Settlement House Movement. She died in Illinois in 1935.

Baroness Bertha von Suttner, 1905
She was not only the prize's first female recipient but is credited with influencing Alfred Nobel to establish it. Her reputation was so highly acclaimed that in a tour of the US she was received by President Theodore Roosevelt.

Profiles by Louise Cotton.